Protest on King’s Day: ‘It is expensive and there is too little transparency’ | Royal day

Jarenlang kreeg koning Willem-Alexander van ruim 75 procent van de Nederlanders vertrouwen en waardering, bleek uit peilingen van Ipsos. Maar sinds de zomer van 2020 gaat het bergafwaarts, zegt historicus en politicoloog Kemal Rijken tegen NU.nl. Hij schreef het boek Monarchie waarin hij de ontwikkeling Europese monarchieën onderzocht. “De Oranjes hebben fouten hebben gemaakt tijdens de coronaperiode. Sindsdien zien we een neerwaartse spiraal.”

In een peiling van EenVandaag onder 26.000 Nederlanders bleek 37 procent van de ondervraagden tegen de monarchie te zijn. Tien jaar geleden was dat nog 20 procent. De steun voor het koningshuis lijkt dus af te nemen. Maar dat betekent zeker niet deze hele groep tegenstanders deelneemt aan demonstraties.

Republiek, een organisatie die tegen de monarchie is en ongeveer 4.000 leden en 40.000 aanhangers heeft, organiseert wel zo’n protest op Koningsdag. Dat doet ze door handtekeningen in te zamelen tijdens de optocht van de koninklijke familie in Emmen, vertelt voorzitter Floris Müller. “Deze Koningsdag richten we onze pijlen op het miljoeneninkomen van de koning.”

Dit jaar ontvangt Willem-Alexander ongeveer 6,8 miljoen euro. “We willen dat zijn salaris naar de balkenendenorm wordt verlaagd”, zegt Müller. “En dat hij zowel inkomstenbelasting als erf- en schenkbelasting betaalt.”

“We hope for sufficient support and will present all signatures to the House on Budget Day,” says Müller. To achieve this, the organization has to work hard. To date, Republic has collected more than five thousand signatures. “That should increase ten times as many in the coming months,” says Müller.

The chairman is convinced that this will work. He cites a vote of the House of Representatives. Previously, two-thirds of the House agreed to a proposal to make the king pay taxes.

But Willem-Alexander’s salary is not the only thing that Müller is concerned about. “We are against the monarchy because it is undemocratic and promotes inequality.” Republic wants exactly what the name says: a republic with an elected president.

According to Rijken, that is not an easy path. “We can do without the royal family, but changing the form of government is not easy.” It requires a significant step-by-step plan.

The Constitution stipulates that there must first be a simple majority in both Houses in favor of abolishing the monarchy. There must then be early elections for both Houses. The new Chambers must then vote in favor of the republic with a two-thirds majority.

Finally, the king must sign the constitutional amendment himself. “In fact, he abolishes himself with one stroke of the pen,” says Rijken.

Yet the historian does not see a republic emerging for the time being. Several parties, including D66, PVV and NSC, want the king to pay taxes, but are not against the royal family. “The parties in the center and on the right want to preserve the monarchy and control more than 100 of the 150 seats.”

It is expected that some demonstrators will also be found among the partygoers and free markets on Saturday. In recent years, flute concerts have been heard around the parade of the royal family.

One of those demonstrators was Wim Dek, who protested against the monarchy for years. “I quit last year. I wasn’t looked at or spoken to for months and it’s not worth it to me,” he says. Dek, like Müller, believes that the royal family is “outdated” and does not fit in with democratic principles. Moreover, he questions the usefulness of state visits.

Yet it seems to be useful. “The monarchy has a unifying function,” says Rijken. “The family participates in ceremonies and makes working visits in which they obtain information.” In times of mourning, the royal family is at the forefront of sharing people’s sorrows: during the Bijlmer air disaster in 1992, the fireworks disaster in Enschede in 2000 and the Volendam café fire a year later, Queen Beatrix was there to comfort. Even when flight MH17 was shot out of the sky, Willem-Alexander and Queen Máxima were connecting figures.

“Moreover, the king reminds us that, despite all our differences, we belong together. Not an unnecessary luxury in a time of polarization,” says historian Arnout van Cruyningen. “It is important that the king not only swears at his inauguration that he will protect the rights and freedoms of Dutch people, but of all residents.”

Van Cruyningen speaks of “the power of the monarchy”. “The House of Orange-Nassau is intertwined with Dutch history because of the freedom struggle in the sixteenth century and the birth of the Dutch State. The monarchy embodies that history and maintains traditions such as service and a sense of duty. These are not fashionable, but they are valuable in a time that is rapidly changing.”

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Yet the connecting role does not seem to be enough to boost confidence in the king. According to Rijken, this is due to the lack of transparency. “We know what amount is reserved annually in the national budget for the royal family. But how much and what it is spent on in practice is unknown.”

“Royals in Scandinavia present an extensive report every year in which they provide accountability. That would also be good for us, because it provides more insight,” Rijken says based on the research for his book Monarchy. The royal family should also be more open to the media for a “substantive look behind the scenes”. “For this openness, the Oranges must call their Scandinavian colleagues.”

Rijken is at work on King’s Day and Dek is going on holiday. Van Cruyningen raises a glass to the king’s health. Müller also celebrates King’s Day, but not because of Willem-Alexander’s birthday. “After our demonstrations I go to the streets for beer, music and fun.”

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